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Cherif Bassiouni, In Memoriam Osnivac Internacionalnog suda u Hagu,  prijatelj Bosne

Cherif Bassiouni, In Memoriam Osnivac Internacionalnog suda u Hagu,  prijatelj Bosne

  1. Cherif Bassiouni, In Memoriam

Osnivac Internacionalnog suda u Hagu,  prijatelj Bosne

Pise Selena Seferovic

U Beogradu smo, bjesni rat u Bosni, spremamo se za odlazak u Prag, kad zazvoni telefon. Sanja nas obavjestava da pakuje kofere i odlazi iz Cikaga u Sarajevo sa Serifom Basjunijem kao clan strucnog tima eksperata, pravnika i advokata koji ce skupljati podatke o zlocinima u Bosni . Na prijedlog njene drugarice Egipcanke Sahar sa kojom je aktivna u  antiratnim dogadjanjima u Cikagu i Vasingtonu, dr Basjuni, takodje Egipcanin, profesor prava sa DePaul Universitetu, savjetnik Ujedinjenih nacija i Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Amerike, ekspert za ratne zlocine i Internacionalno kriminalno pravo, pisac  40 knjiga, aktivista,  prijatelj Bosne, uvrstio je Sanju, (J.D. in Regional Law) u  ovu delikatnu misiju, jer su mu bili potrebni dvojezicni strucnjaci koji znaju engleski i bosanski jezik kako bi intervjuisali ljude na terenu, posebno zene, zrtve nasilja  i genocida.

 

Otac Mensur, i sam nekada ratnik i konclogoras, zauvijek antifasist i borac za ljudska prava, podrzava je , ponosan na njen stav i odluku. Majka Sefika i ja sutimo, bojimo se, opasno je, zar da ostavi muza Zdenka sa malim sinom Demijanom, sada  partnerom advokatom i takodje nekadasnjim studentom DePaula i John Marsal skole za pravnike, a i mi smo ponosne na Sanjinu  hrabost i odlucnost.

Tada sam prvi put cula za  ime Serifa Basjunija, koji ce nam od tada postati saradnik i sagovornik svih ovih godina.

Doktor Basjuni je bio pokretac ove Komisije koja je trebalo da skuplja i analizira podatke o krsenju humanitarnog prava iz bivse Jugoslavije, medjutim, ubrzo je otkazan odlazak u Bosnu  zbog bezbjednosne situacije, ali je on ipak kasnije sam vise puta tokom rata boravio na terenu u Bosni, skupljao dokaze o zlocinima protiv humanosti, i o tome  objavio knjigu.

Inace,  Basjuni je pokretac  Internacionalnog suda u Hagu. Na glasanju u Ujedinjenim nacijama za njega kao  prvog predsjednika, 7 zemalja je glasalo Za , ukljucujuci i Ameriku, 7 Protiv, i jedna zemlja je bila uzdrzana. Prakticno su ga Britanci sprijecili da postane prvi predsjednik uz obrazlozenje da kao musliman moze da bude pristrasan  kad su u pitanju zrtve Bosnjaci muslimani, pa su umjesto njega izabrali sudiju iz Johanseburga, Jevreja, na svu srecu  odlicnog Ricarda Goldstajna.

 

Potom smo mama, tata, Drago i ja jula 1995 godine dosli u Cikago da tu zivimoi i susretali smo dr Basjunija u raznim prilikama.

Sjecam se jednog susreta u Bosansko amerckom kulturnom centu u Nortbruku kada je na nekoj proslavi rekao da u vrijeme kad je on  dosao u Ckago nije bilo nijedne dzamije pa su se vjernici skupljali po kucama, a potom je izgradjena prva dzamija na tlu Amerike  u Nortbruku, upravo ova bosanska, koju po originalnosti arhitekture nazivaju ‘ljepoticom ne prolazne ljepote’.

Zima u Cikagu sa snijegom i vjetrom koji probija do kostiju,  22 februar je 2011. Sanja i ja ipak odlucujemo da iz postovanja prema dr Basjuniju odemo na njegovo predavanje o Egiptu nakon arapskog proljeca, iako smo prehladjene, Sanja cak  sa groznicom. Jer niko ne  zna bolje od njega situaciju u njegovoj rodnoj zemlji koja ne silazi sa prvih stranica novina i TV rpograma sirom svijeta.

Susrecemo se u garazi, on srdacan i veseo, prijatan kao i uvijek, sa crvenim vunenim salom koji dominira na njegovom crnom kasmirskom kaputu, zahvaljuje  sto smo dosle, kaze: ‘mislio sam da nikoga nece biti zbog mecave’, kad ono, sala prepuna, ljudi se dizu na noge, docekuju ga gromkim aplauzom, i tako do kasno u  noc, pljuste pitanja, njegovi odgovori

2014 izlasla je Basjuniova knjiga ‘ Egipt u tranziciji’, prevedena na mnoge svjetske jezike, ne znam da li i na bosanski.

Dr. Basjuoni je umro  nedavno, nakon teske bolesti. Zelio je da bude sahranjen sa svojim Bosancima na Memorijalnom groblju u Skokiju, gdje je i mezar nase majke Sefike. 

Egypt in Transition, The Third Republic, bY M. CHERIF BASSIOUNI M. Cherif Bassiouni is Emeritus Distinguished Research Professor of Law at DePaul University and the President Emeritus of the International Human Rights Law Institute. On January 25, 2011, the Egyptian people took to the streets and in 18 days were able to bring down the 30-year corrupt dictatorial regime of Hosni Mubarak, using entirely peaceful means. That revolution set the Arab Republic of Egypt on a hopeful path to democracy. After Mubarak resigned, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) became the custodian of the transition. In June of 2012, in Egypt’s first free and fair election, Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected President. Slightly more than 50 percent of registered voters actually voted, and those voters gave Morsi a majority of just less than 52 percent. Having won by this slim margin, Morsi was sworn in as President on June 30, 2012, and thus the Second Republic came to be.1 The Second Republic Five months later, Morsi declared his decisions beyond judicial review, and thus his authority unchallengeable. In December, 2012, he pushed a pro-Islamist constitution through a popular referendum; it passed but with less than 30 percent of the popular vote. There was no constitutional way to recall, impeach, or remove Morsi. The path to democracy was taking a turn towards theocratic autocracy. The serving People’s Assembly (Majliss al-Sha‘ab) had been elected under a law later declared unconstitutional. Over 60 percent of the members of the new parliament were Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and Salafists. To many both in and outside of Egypt who view the values of secular democracy and Islam as overlapping, such values were at risk of being compromised by an Egyptian theocracy ruled by the MB. The MB’s democratic rise to power, however, had to be respected. Regrettably, the Second Republic was short-lived. Insofar as there was no way for popular democracy to change the theocratic course of events, Morsi’s resignation. They along with other opposition groups planned protests demanding the president’s resignation, a revocation of the 2012 Constitution, and a temporary return to the 1971 Constitution until a new constitution could be drafted, and new parliamentary and presidential elections held. Thirteen million people took to the streets calling for Morsi’s ouster. Had a constitution been in place, an impeachment process would have been possible. The controversial new 2012 Constitution provided for such a process in its Article 156, but this could only be pursued before the People’s Assembly, which had not yet been elected. Consequently, there was no constitutional process in place through which impeachment could have been pursued. Between July 2 and 3, 2013, the army intervened in support of the popular demand that Morsi be deposed and took Morsi into custody, selecting a new temporary president who was immediately sworn in. The majority of the Egyptian people supported what the military did. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry responded on August 2, 2013, from Islamabad, Pakistan, stating that the military had restored Egypt to the path of democracy. Relying on formal legality, the MB disagreed vehemently, holding that this was a military coup without legitimacy.2 The MB initiated a wave of civil resistance, but also engaged in violence and disruption of public order. A number of violent incidents occurred; no one knows exactly how many persons were killed and injured. Both sides accuse each other of initiating the violence, and there is no doubt that an impartial and fair investigation is needed.3 Excessive force appears to have been used by the security forces and the military. The human consequences were appalling.

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